The German pirate — Reading Companion
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"_If Fate has selected us to assume the leadership in the Kultur-life of the peoples, we will not shrink from this great and lofty mission._"[B]--GUSTAV E. PAZANREK.
The Dutch steamer _Gamma_ was proceeding from New York to Amsterdam on the 1st February, 1917, with a cargo of oilcake for the Netherlands Government. At 2.30 p.m. a German submarine appeared on the port bow, steering towards the ship. Without making any signal, the submarine at once opened fire. She fired six shells, one of which struck the windlass. The ship was stopped, boats were lowered, and the master proceeded to the submarine, where he was questioned by the commander. A German officer and two men boarded the _Gamma_, placed bombs in her holds, and returned with a bag of flour, two hams, some butter, and a few engine-room tools. The master asked for a tow, but this was refused, and the submarine disappeared. Ten minutes later the bombs exploded and the _Gamma_ went down. It was bitterly cold, but fortunately the boats were picked up by the Dutch liner _Vondel_ at about 6 o'clock that night.
The _Gamma_ was a neutral vessel laden with cargo for a neutral Government, but the fact was totally disregarded by the Germans. Fire was opened recklessly and without warning, and it was merely a matter of chance that no lives were lost. Having looted the vessel in true pirate style, the Germans refused the Dutchmen a tow. Once more it was only through good fortune that their boat happened to be picked up before any of the crew had died from exposure. The Germans showed themselves to be arbitrary, discourteous, and robbers.
At 12.15 p.m. on the 2nd February, 1917, a U-boat suddenly appeared alongside the Russian sailing vessel _Garnet Hill_ and ordered the crew to abandon the ship at once. When this had been done, bombs were placed in the vessel, which sank in about five minutes after the explosion. The Germans took the master's chronometer and a lot of clothes. They also took off one member of the crew who declared himself to be a German. The boats were picked up 28 hours later.
This is a case that gives one an insight into German methods, and suggests the possibilities of the seaman as spy. Obviously these possibilities are very great, although we cannot say for certain to what extent the services of the seaman-spy have been utilised by Germany in her submarine campaign. Many a ship may have been betrayed by Germans masquerading under some other nationality. The idea of the sea-spy is so essentially Teutonic that it must have been exploited by the Berlin Government. Thus, although the _Garnet Hill_ provides an instance of the Pirate as Thief, it is perhaps more interesting as an instance of the Pirate as Spy.
The British trawler _Romeo_ was sunk by a German submarine at 2 p.m. on the 3rd February, 1917. Before sinking her the Germans ransacked the vessel and took away her ensign, ship's stores, clocks, weather-glasses, the clothes of the crew, and the skipper's kit. The crew were picked up by a patrol-boat at 5 p.m. the same day.
On the 4th February, 1917, at 6 p.m. the British steamship _Dauntless_ was struck on the funnel by a shot. The master at once gave the order "Hard a-starboard," but before it could be executed a shell struck the bridge, damaging the steering-gear and wounding the master and the man at the wheel. Shells began to fly over the ship, the engines were stopped, and both life-boats were lowered. One fireman was killed on deck, but the rest of the crew reached the boats in safety, although firing was continued all this time. When the starboard life-boat had got a little way from the ship the submarine appeared alongside and ordered all hands on board. The lifeboat was then manned by Germans, who proceeded to the vessel, presently returning with various tinned provisions, some turpentine, and enamel, which were taken on board the submarine. They had also brought away the ship's jolly-boat.
At about 8.10 p.m. the sound of a muffled explosion was heard, and the crew were then ordered into their boats, the submarine disappearing in the darkness. The master and six men entered the jolly-boat, the remaining nine men taking to the life-boat. Soon afterwards the two boats became separated in the darkness.
They rowed the jolly-boat all through the night, and at 6 a.m. next day the steward died from exposure. His body was thrown overboard at 6 o'clock that evening. Land was then visible, but a snow-storm came on, and land was lost. They rowed all through the night, but on Tuesday morning land was sighted again, and at 10 a.m. the boat touched the beach and was overturned by breakers. The remaining six men managed to get ashore, but soon after landing the second engineer and a fireman died on the beach. The four survivors were taken to hospital, and on 12th February the mate and chief and second engineers were discharged. The master was left behind, suffering from exposure and shell wounds.
At 12.50 p.m., in very thick weather, on the 9th February, the British trawler _Benbow_ was fired upon by a German submarine. As the fog lifted two shots were fired, followed by four more while the boat was being got out. The crew were transferred to the submarine while a party of Germans visited the trawler. They returned with 5 stone of flour, 3 tins of treacle, 4 stone of sugar, half-a-dozen boxes of Quaker oats, 3 barrels of meat, 10 lbs. of sausages, several tins of milk, 2 clocks, and the kits of the skipper and chief engineer. When the submarine was last seen the clothes were being divided amongst the Germans. The trawler was sunk by a bomb; the submarine disappeared in the fog.
On the same day the British trawler _Athenian_ was attacked by a U-boat, seven or eight shots being fired while her boat was being got out. Everything portable was taken from the trawler by the Germans. After she had been sunk, the German commander asked the skipper whether he would like to go to Germany or remain in his open boat. The skipper chose his boat. The men were picked up at 2 p.m. next day.
At 12.30 p.m. on the 10th February, 1917, the master of the British trawler _Ireland_ was towing his trawl at a speed of 2½ miles an hour when he sighted a German submarine 2½ miles away on the port side. The submarine fired a shot which dropped 2 yards clear of the trawler's stern. Her boat was at once got out, two more shots being fired, one of which dropped just astern, while the other passed over the funnel. The crew embarked in their boat without casualties, and the Germans then looted the trawler, taking away the ship's papers, sextant, binoculars, fisherman's almanack, and a basket of provisions. They sank the trawler at about 1 p.m. The crew were picked up by a patrol-boat at 6 a.m. on the 14th February, and landed at Scarborough at 8 o'clock that night, when two of them were sent to hospital suffering from frost-bite.
The British steamer _Margarita_ was sunk by a U-boat in the evening of the 14th February, 1917, after being looted by the Germans. They took the clocks from the engine-room and cabin, the barometer, some condensed milk, and some soap. The crew were picked up at 3.15 a.m. next day and landed at Milford Haven.
The British sailing vessel _Invercauld_ was sunk on the 22nd February by a German submarine, which opened fire on her without warning. After firing a torpedo, which struck the ship on the port beam, blowing away 150 feet of her side, the Germans boarded her and searched for food. However, the water was too high for this, so the commander contented himself by taking the chronometer, binoculars, clocks, bell, ensign, and other portable articles, for which he gave the master a receipt. The master and his crew of 23 hands escaped without casualty.
On the 17th March, 1917, two German submarines attacked and sank four Portuguese fishing vessels, the _Rita Segunda_, _Flor de Abril_, _Senora del Rosario_, and _Restaurador_. One man of the _Restaurador_ was killed and three others injured, although the crews left their vessels after the first shot. On the 19th March the following official statement was issued in Lisbon:
"While four trawlers were fishing off the coast of Algarvo, the most southerly province of Portugal, two German submarines made their appearance, one from the north and the other from the south. They immediately opened fire upon the fishing vessels. The crews were ordered to leave their ships, which were then looted by the Germans of the fish and clothing they had on board. The trawlers were then sunk. One of the fishermen was killed and three were seriously wounded. The remainder of the crews, to the number of about 100, have been safely landed at Lisbon by patrol-boats of the Portuguese Naval Division."
On the 3rd May, 1917, nine or ten Irish fishing vessels were looted and destroyed by German submarines at about 8 p.m. The skipper of one of these vessels, the _Lucky Lass_, has described how the Germans took his new foresail, fishing lines, clothes, oilskins, and his son's watch. They then smashed up the _Lucky Lass_ with a large hatchet and a big stone hammer. They were in a great hurry, and ordered the skipper and his son to keep a sharp look-out for British patrol-boats during their looting operations. Another boat, the _Sir Edward Birbeck_, was sunk by bombs.
The British sailing ship _Alfred_ was sunk on the 12th June. The Germans looted the vessel, carrying off the stores and all her brass-work. The crew were taken on board the submarine and then witnessed the sinking of another vessel. They saw dead bodies and struggling men in the water, while the officers and crew of the submarine sneered and laughed at them.
The Swedish steamer _Snetoppen_ was bound for New York on the 4th July, 1917, when a submarine came to the surface on her starboard bow and commenced to shell her. After half-a-dozen shots had been fired the master decided that his position was hopeless, and gave orders to abandon ship in two boats.
The Germans then proceeded to loot the steamer, taking the ship's chronometer and barometer, two sextants, and three boat-loads of provisions. The German sailors ransacked the state-rooms, while their officers demanded whiskey, beer, and cognac, besides taking all the clothes they could lay hands on. They sank the steamer with bombs, and left the survivors in their boats. These were afterwards picked up by an American destroyer.
With regard to these cases, it would probably be contended by the Germans that the sufferings of the _Dauntless'_ survivors were unavoidable. But what about the shelling of the vessel? This was wholly unnecessary, and resulted in the death of one man. The Germans could have committed their thefts of provisions, turpentine and enamel without first shelling the ship. To the lesser crime of theft they need not have added the greater crime of murder.
In the same way, the shelling of the British trawlers was totally uncalled for; and since it is not to be supposed that the German fires merely for the amusement of discharging his guns, another conclusion is forced upon us. It will be noticed that shots were fired while the boats were being lowered in the cases of the _Dauntless_, _Benbow_, and _Ireland_. With what object, except to take life? Upon the occasions under review the German missed his mark; but this does not always happen, as the study of other cases will show.
Apart from the firing, the examples quoted show the German as thief, although in the sinking of the _Invercauld_ the pirates defeated their own ends, so far as food was concerned. The giving of a receipt for the articles taken was in accordance with the German Prize Regulations, which lay down that: "H.M. ships can, in case of need, replenish from the cargo and from the non-consumable and consumable stores of captured enemy ships (a receipt being given for anything taken) if the articles are not proved beyond doubt to be neutral."
The incidents connected with the sinking of the _Alfred_ make one speculate as to the standard by which German naval officers regulate their conduct. It is inconceivable that any British commander would allow his men to laugh and sneer at a number of hapless seamen struggling in the water. This German officer, however, did not hesitate to do so.
The looting of the Swedish steamer _Snetoppen_ is interesting in view of the regulation above quoted in connection with the _Invercauld_. It is a case of the Pirate as Thief amongst neutrals. The Germans behaved like common housebreakers, and showed the same spirit which their comrades of the German Army exhibited early in the war, when they ransacked chateaux and private houses during their first advance.
It will be in place here to glance at other provisions contained in the German Naval Prize Regulations. These should be borne in mind when reading about the actual deeds of the German submarine officers here collected. The Regulations were published in the _Reichs-Gesetzblatt_ at Berlin on the 3rd August, 1914. The first of the "General Provisions" reads:--
"The commanding officers of H.M. warships have the right during a war, in accordance with the following provisions, to stop enemy or neutral merchant ships, to search and capture them as well as the enemy and neutral goods in them, and in exceptional cases to destroy them."
Clause 4 of the General Provisions states:--"All measures are to be carried out in a manner the observance of which--even towards the enemy--is demanded by the honour of the German Empire, and with such consideration for neutrals as is in accordance with international law and German interests."
Clause 6 sets out the vessels that are exempt from capture. These include: "Hospital ships, vessels employed exclusively in coast fisheries, or small boats employed in local trade, so long as they do not take any part whatever in hostilities."
There are two clauses dealing with ships which endeavour to escape. The first states that: "A neutral ship is to be treated as an enemy ship if she forcibly resists the exercise of the right of stoppage, search, and capture; force may be used against the ship in question until she ceases to resist; attempted flight alone does not count as forcible resistance." On the other hand, Article 83 declares: "If the ship does not stop when signalled, two rounds of blank are to be fired, one after the other; and, if necessary, a live shell across her bows. If the vessel does not then bring to, or offers resistance, the commander will compel her to stop."
No excuse can be made for the German commanders, in view of these regulations. Their Government ordered them to behave in the manner demanded by the honour of the German Empire, and in accordance with international law and German interests. Their conduct has shown the world the meaning of the word "honour," as understood within the German Empire. For international law, of course, they have never attempted to show the slightest respect; but it is possible that they really believed they were serving German interests by behaving as bloodthirsty pirates. The mad doctrine of "frightfulness" which has been preached to Young Germany from a thousand pulpits and in a thousand schools all over the Central Empire, has killed all sense of morality in the modern Teuton. The German thinks he can terrorise the world by acts of mere savagery: this is the deadly error which has cut his country off from the civilised nations of the globe.
THE PIRATE AS MURDERER.
_A Selection of Cases._
s.s. AGUILA 27th March, 1915. s.s. FALABA 28th March, 1915. Trawler VICTORIA 1st June, 1915. s.s. MEADOWFIELD 9th July, 1915. s.s. GLENBY 17th August, 1915. s.s. CYMBELINE 4th Sept., 1915. s.s. MIDDLETON 30th Nov., 1915. s.s. CLAN MACLEOD 1st Dec., 1915. s.s. COMMODORE 2nd Dec., 1915. s.s. ORTERIC 9th Dec., 1915. s.s. VAN STIRUM 25th Dec., 1915. s.s. SUSSEX 24th March, 1916. s.s. SIMLA 2nd April, 1916. s.s. ZENT 6th April, 1916. s.s. WHITGIFT 20th April, 1916. s.s. BRUSSELS 23rd June, 1916. s.s. CURAMALAN 21st Sept., 1916. s.s. NORTH WALES 20th Oct., 1916. s.s. CABOTIA 20th Oct., 1916. s.s. RAPPAHANNOCK 26th Oct., 1916. s.s. ARABIA 6th Nov., 1916. s.s. MORESBY 28th Nov., 1916. Trawler TREVONE 30th Jan., 1917. s.s. EAVESTONE 3rd Feb., 1917. Trawler VULCANA 7th Feb., 1917. s.ss. ST. NINIAN and CORSICAN PRINCE 7th Feb., 1917. s.s. CALIFORNIA 7th Feb., 1917. s.s. SALLAGH 10th Feb., 1917. s.s. AFRIC 12th Feb., 1917. s.s. VALDES 17th Feb., 1917. s.s. LACONIA 25th Feb., 1917. s.s. GALGORM CASTLE 27th Feb., 1917. s.s. REDCAP 1st March, 1917. s.s. TASSO 17th March, 1917. s.s. JOSHUA NICHOLSON 18th March, 1917. s.s. ALNWICK CASTLE 19th March, 1917. s.s. DALEBY 29th April, 1917. s.ss. TYCHO and PORTHKERRY 20th May, 1917. s.s. CLAN MURRAY 29th May, 1917. Schooner JANE WILLIAMSON 10th Sept., 1917. Schooner WILLIAM 11th Sept., 1917. French Barquentine MIMOSA 24th Sept., 1917. s.s. ELMSGARTH 29th Sept., 1917.
THE PIRATE AS MURDERER.
"_The German is a hero born, and believes that he can hack and hew his way through life._"[C]
HEINRICH V. TREITSCHKE.
In February, 1915, Germany declared a blockade of Great Britain and Ireland. Her official declaration stated, amongst other things, that from February 18th every hostile merchant ship found in the waters around the British Isles would be destroyed, "even if it is not always possible to avoid dangers which thereby threaten the crews and passengers." Neutral ships were also warned that they would incur danger in the "military area," because, according to Germany, the British Government had issued orders as to the misuse of neutral flags at sea. This accusation was false; no misuse of neutral flags has ever been ordered by the British Government. Traffic northwards round the Shetland Islands was graciously permitted by the Germans in their Note.
That Germany could enforce an effective blockade of the British Isles was not to be expected, but the Berlin Press hailed the Imperial Government's declaration with delight. The _Lokal-Anzeiger_, a semi-official journal, exclaimed: "What do we care about the outcry of others and the indignation of our enemies? We Germans have a great lesson to learn from this war, namely, not to be fastidious and not to listen to others." Both these lessons appear to have been thoroughly mastered. In the _Kreuz-Zeitung_, the official organ of the Conservative and Court parties, the following comment appeared: "It appears that we shall now torpedo ships without previous warning. For the first time we appear now to have decided on this relentless form of warfare. We welcome with satisfaction the fact that our submarines will wage the most ruthless and relentless war against all enemy shipping."
As the term "blockade" is liable to misinterpretation, we cannot do better than quote the German definition of a blockade, as contained in the German Naval Prize Regulations, Section V., Articles 58, 59, and 60.
"The blockade must be confined to the ports and coasts belonging to or occupied by the enemy; the blockading forces must not bar access to neutral ports or coasts.
"A blockade, in order to be valid, must be effective, applied impartially, and declared and notified according to the rules concerned.
"A blockade is really effective when it is maintained by a force sufficient to prevent access to the enemy coast. The question whether a blockade is effective as to number and disposition of the blockading forces under the existing geographical conditions must in every case be examined by the Prize Court. Among other things, it will be denied if maritime traffic could be maintained between one of the blockaded ports and any port not blockaded."
The absurdity of the German declaration becomes clear in the light of Germany's own official description of an effective blockade. It is now over two years since she essayed to blockade the British Isles; but never during the whole of that period has she been able to provide a "force sufficient to prevent access to the enemy coast." Moreover, during the same period maritime traffic has been "maintained between blockaded and unblockaded ports." The whole affair quickly developed into a series of piratical raids by submarines against the sea-borne commerce of the world, carried out in a spirit of reckless brutality.
The German's utter disregard even for the rules laid down by his own Admiralty horrified the world and destroyed the reputation and honour of the German Navy. This can scarcely be considered surprising, when we remember that the following are but a few examples of the German submariner's methods.
The foreword of this 1918 work establishes a stark contrast between an idealized 'Brotherhood of the Sea'—a transnational fellowship of mariners bound by mutual aid—and the actions of German submarine commanders who, the author asserts, destroyed that code. The book presents itself as a compilation of 'plain statement[s] of fact' drawn from British Admiralty documents and sworn survivor statements, aiming to inform public opinion without 'exaggeration or unfair comment.' The epigraphs from Nietzsche, the German Crown Prince, and General von Bernhardi frame the conflict as ideological, quoting militarist justifications for war. This editorial note examines how the text constructs its case through specific, often harrowing, survivor accounts.
The Foreword's Framing of a Broken Code
The foreword opens by describing the 'Brotherhood of the Sea' as a 'fine, manly freemasonry' built on 'courage, honour, and chivalry.' This romanticized vision of maritime solidarity is immediately contrasted with the claim that 'the German submarine commander' destroyed it. The author, using the pseudonym 'Ajax,' positions the work as a corrective to ignorance, stating that only by knowing 'what has actually taken place can a true opinion be formed.' The epigraphs—from Nietzsche ('Ye shall love peace as a means to new wars'), the Crown Prince ('must not let himself be lazily sung to sleep by the peace-lullabies'), and Bernhardi ('efforts to secure peace are extraordinarily detrimental')—serve to characterize German militarism as deliberate and ideological. This framing shapes how the subsequent narratives are to be read: not as isolated atrocities but as evidence of a systematic policy.
Survivor Testimony and the Physical Toll
The excerpt from the sinking of the Alnwick Castle provides a detailed, almost clinical account of an eight-day lifeboat ordeal. The narrative focuses on the progressive physical and mental deterioration of the crew: 'agonies of thirst,' 'light-headedness,' 'secret drinking of salt water,' and deaths from exposure. The chief officer's efforts to prevent salt-water drinking are noted, but the text emphasizes his limitations—'there are limits to what one man can accomplish.' Specific details ground the account: licking oars and woodwork for moisture, breaking up the empty water-breaker to lick the inside, and the death of a baby six days after reaching hospital. The account of the Daleby adds a different dimension: the submarine surfaced and circled a survivor but made 'no attempt to pick him up.' These details, presented without commentary, accumulate to support the foreword's indictment.
Structure and Rhetoric of the Compiled Accounts
The book's structure—a selection of sinkings 'set down as simply as possible'—relies on the cumulative weight of individual stories rather than argument. Each account follows a pattern: ship name, date, location, method of attack (torpedoed 'without warning'), and aftermath. The Alnwick Castle narrative, for instance, moves from the sinking to the lifeboat's daily struggles, noting deaths and the chief officer's testimony to the 'splendid behaviour of the boat's crew.' The Daleby account is shorter but includes the striking detail of the submarine circling the survivor. This repetition of structure—attack, survival, loss—creates a rhythm that reinforces the foreword's claim of a systematic campaign. The author's restraint ('without exaggeration or unfair comment') lends an air of documentary authority, even as the selection of incidents is itself a rhetorical choice.
Readers should approach this work as a wartime document shaped by its purpose: to condemn German submarine warfare through official sources and survivor accounts. The pseudonymous author's claim to factual reporting coexists with a clear moral framework. Pay attention to the recurring details—the failure to rescue, the physical suffering, the role of local communities—and consider how the book's structure of compiled incidents builds its case. The epigraphs offer a key to the author's interpretive lens.
Reading the stark sinking entries, I remembered my grandfather’s quiet stories of the sea—not heroes, just men adrift. That same solemn hush fell over me while reading The Story of Our Submarines — Background and Themes; it felt less like history and more like listening to a long, patient sigh beneath the waves.
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