An Englishman's View of the Battle between the Alabama and the Kearsarge An Account of the Naval Engagement in the British Channel, on Sunday June 19th, 1864 — Story, Setting & Ideas

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Edge, Frederick Milnes, 1830-1882 Project Gutenberg 2011 Not confirmed
United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Naval operations; Alabama (Screw sloop); Kearsarge (Sloop) Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Reading time 58 min
Text sections 2

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Frederick Milnes Edge's 1864 pamphlet examines the naval battle between the USS Kearsarge and CSS Alabama off Cherbourg, using firsthand interviews and crew rosters to challenge contemporary misrepresentations about the engagement.
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Semmes was perfectly cognizant of the entire affair, notwithstanding his shameless assertion of ignorance; for he spoke about it to his officers and crew several days prior to the 19th of June, declaring that the chains were only attached together with rope-yarns, and would drop into the water when struck with the first shot. I was so informed by his own wounded men lying in the naval hospital at Cherbourg. Whatever might be the value for defence of this chain-plating, it was only struck once during the engagement, so far as I could discover by a long and close inspection. Some of the officers of the Kearsarge asserted to me that it was struck twice, whilst others deny that declaration: in one spot, however, a 32-pounder shot broke in the deal covering and smashed a single link, two-thirds of which fell into the water. The remainder is in my possession, and proves to be of the ordinary 5-1/4-inch chain. Had the cable been struck by the rifled 120-pounder instead of by a 32, the result might have been different; but in any case the damage would have amounted to nothing serious, for the vessel's side was hit five feet above the water-line and nowhere in the vicinity of the boilers or machinery. Captain Semmes evidently regarded this protection of the chains as little worth, for he might have adopted the same plan before engaging the Kearsarge; but he confined himself to taking on board 150 tons of coal _as a protection to his boilers_, which, in addition to the 200 tons already in his bunkers, would bring him pretty low in the water. The Kearsarge, on the contrary, was deficient in her coal, and she took what was necessary on board during my stay at Cherbourg.

The quantity of chain used on each side of the vessel in this much-talked-of armouring is only 120 fathoms, and it covers a space amidships of 49 ft. 6 in. in length, by 6 ft. 2 in. in depth.[3] The chain, which is single, not double, was and is stopped to eye-bolts with rope-yarn and by iron dogs.[4] Is it reasonable to suppose that this plating of 1-7/10-inch iron (the thickness of the links of the chain) could offer any serious resistance to the heavy 68-pounder and the 7 in. Blakely rifle of the Alabama--at the comparatively close range of 700 yards? What then becomes of the mistaken remark of the _Times_ that the Kearsarge was "provided, as it turned out, with some special contrivances for protection," or Semmes' declaration that she was "iron-clad?" "The Career of the Alabama," in referring to this chain-plating, says--"Another advantage accruing from this was that it sank her very low in the water, so low in fact, that the heads of the men who were in the boats were on the level of the Kearsarge's deck." It is simply ridiculous to suppose that the weight of 240 fathoms of chain could have any such effect upon a vessel of one thousand tons burden; whilst, in addition, the cable itself was part of the ordinary equipment of the ship. Further, the supply of coal on board the Kearsarge at the time of action was only 120 tons, while the Alabama had 350 tons on board.

The objection that the Alabama was short-handed does not appear to be borne out by the facts of the case; while, on the other hand, a greater number of men than were necessary to work the guns and ship would be more of a detriment than a benefit to the Kearsarge. The latter vessel had 22 officers on board, and 140 men: the Alabama is represented to have had only 120 in her crew, (Mr. Mason's statement,) but if her officers be included in this number, the assertion is obviously incorrect, for the Kearsarge saved 67,[5] the Deerhound 41, and the French pilot-boats 12, and this, without mentioning the 13 accounted for as killed and wounded,[6] and others who went down with the ship. When the Alabama arrived at Cherbourg, her officers and crew numbered 149. This information was given by captains of American vessels who were held as prisoners on board the privateer after the destruction of their ships; and their information is indorsed by the captured officers of the Alabama now on board the Kearsarge. It is known also that many persons tried to get on board the Alabama while she lay in Cherbourg; but this the police prevented as far as lay in their power. If Captain Semmes' representation were correct in regard to his being short-handed, he certainly ought not to be trusted with the command of a vessel again, however much he may be esteemed by some parties for his Quixotism in challenging an antagonist--to use his own words--"heavier than myself both in ship, battery, and crew."

The asserted unpreparedness of the Alabama is about as truthful as the other representations, if we may take Captain Semmes' report, and certain facts, in rebutting evidence. The Captain writes to Mr. Mason, "I cannot deny myself the pleasure of saying that Mr. Kell, my First Lieutenant, deserves great credit for the fine condition the ship was in when she went into action;" but if Captain Semmes were right in the alleged want of preparation, he himself is alone to blame. He had ample time for protecting his vessel and crew in all possible manners; he, not the Kearsarge was the aggressor; and but for his forcing the fight, the Alabama might still be riding inside Cherbourg breakwater. Notwithstanding the horrible cause for which he is struggling, and the atrocious depredations he has committed upon helpless merchantmen, we can still admire the daring he evinced in sallying forth from a secure haven and gallantly attacking his opponent; but when he professes ignorance of the character of his antagonist, and unworthily attempts to disparage the victory of his foe, we forget all our first sympathies, and condemn the moral nature of the man, as he has forced us to do his judgment.

Nor must it be forgotten that the Kearsarge has had fewer opportunities for repairs than the Alabama, and that she has been cruising around in all seas _for a much longer period than her antagonist_.[7] The Alabama, on the contrary, had lain for many days in Cherbourg, and she only steamed forth when her Captain supposed her to be in, at all events, as good a condition as the enemy.

Finally, the challenge to fight was given by the Alabama to the Kearsarge, not by the Kearsarge to the Alabama. "The Career of the Alabama," above referred to makes the following romantic statement:

"When he (Semmes) was challenged by the commander of the Kearsarge, everybody in Cherbourg, it appears, said it would be disgraceful if he refused the challenge, and this, coupled with his belief that the Kearsarge was not so strong as she really proved to be, made him agree to fight." (p. 41.)

On the Tuesday after the battle, and before leaving London for Cherbourg, I was shown a telegram by a member of the House of Commons, forwarded to him that morning. The telegram was addressed to one of the gentleman's constituents by his son, a sailor on board the Alabama, and was dated "C. S. S. Alabama, Cherbourg, June 14th," the sender stating that they were about to engage the Kearsarge on the morrow, or next day. I have not a copy of this telegram, but "The Career of the Alabama" gives a letter to the like effect from the surgeon of the privateer, addressed to a gentleman of this city. The letter reads as follows:

"CHERBOURG, _June 14, 1864_.

DEAR TRAVERS--Here we are. I send this by a gentleman coming to London. An enemy is outside. _If she only stays long enough, we go out and fight her._ If I live, expect to see me in London shortly. If I die, give my best love to all who know me. If Monsieur A. de Caillet should call on you, please show him every attention.

"I remain, dear Travers, ever yours, "D. H. LLEWELLYN."

There were two brave gentlemen on board the Alabama--poor Llewellyn, who nobly refused to save his own life, by leaving his wounded, and a young Lieutenant, Mr. Joseph Wilson, who honourably delivered up his sword on the deck of the Kearsarge, when the other officers threw theirs into the water.

The most unanswerable proof of Captain Semmes having challenged the commander of the Kearsarge is to be found in the following letter addressed by him to the Confederate consul, or agent, at Cherbourg. After the publication of this document, it is to be hoped we shall hear no more of Captain Winslow's having committed such a breach of discipline and etiquette as that of challenging a rebel against his Government.

CAPTAIN SEMMES' CHALLENGE TO THE KEARSARGE.

"C. S. S. ALABAMA, "CHERBOURG, _June 14, 1864_.

"To Ad. BONFILS, _Cherbourg_:

"SIR--I hear that you were informed by the U. S. Consul, that the Kearsarge was to come to this port solely for the prisoners landed by me,[8] and that she was to depart in twenty-four hours. I desire you to say to the U. S. Consul, that my intention is to fight the Kearsarge as soon as I can make the necessary arrangements. I hope these will not detain me more than until tomorrow evening, or after the morrow morning at farthest. I beg she will not depart before I am ready to go out.

"I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

"R. SEMMES, _Captain_."

Numerous facts serve to prove that Captain Semmes had made every preparation to engage the Kearsarge, and that wide-spread publicity had been given to his intention. As soon as the arrival of the Federal vessel was known at Paris, an American gentleman of high position came down to Cherbourg, with instructions for Captain Winslow; but so desirous were the French authorities to preserve a really honest neutrality, that permission was only granted to him to sail to her after his promise to return to shore immediately on the delivery of his message. Once back in Cherbourg, and about to return to Paris, he was advised to remain over night, _as the Alabama intended to fight the Kearsarge next day_ (Sunday). On Sunday morning, an excursion train arrived from the Capital, and the visitors were received at the terminus of the railway by the boatmen of the port, who offered them boats for the purpose of seeing _a genuine naval battle which was to take place during the day_. Turning such a memorable occurrence to practical uses, Monsieur Rondin, a celebrated photographic artist on the _Place d'Armes_ at Cherbourg, prepared the necessary chemicals, plates, and _camera_, and placed himself on the summit of the old church tower which the whilome denizens of Cherbourg had very properly built in happy juxtaposition with his establishment. I was only able to see the negative, but that was quite sufficient to show that the artist had obtained a very fine view indeed of the exciting contest. Five days, however, had elapsed since Captain Semmes sent his challenge to Captain Winslow through the Confederate agent, Monsieur Bonfils; surely time sufficient for him to make all the preparations which he considered necessary. Meanwhile the Kearsarge was cruising to and fro at sea, outside the breakwater.

The Kearsarge reached Cherbourg on the 14th, and her Captain only heard of Captain Semmes' intention to fight him on the following day. Five days, however, elapsed before the Alabama put in an appearance, and her exit from the harbour was heralded by the English yacht Deerhound. The officer on watch aboard the Kearsarge made out a three-masted vessel steaming from the harbour, the movements of which were somewhat mysterious; after remaining a short time only, this steamer, which subsequently proved to be the Deerhound, went back into port; only returning to sea a few minutes in advance of the Alabama, and the French iron-clad La Couronne. Mr. Lancaster, her owner, sends a copy of his log to the _Times_, the first two entries being as follows:

"Sunday, June 19, 9 A. M.--Got up steam and proceeded out of Cherbourg harbour.

"10.30.--Observed the 'Alabama' steaming out of the harbour towards the Federal steamer 'Kearsarge.'"[9]

Mr. Lancaster does not inform us why an English gentleman should choose a Sunday morning, of all days in the week, to cruise about at an early hour with ladies on board, nor does he supply the public with information as to the movements of the Deerhound during the hour and a half which elapsed between his exit from the harbour and the appearance of the Alabama. The preceding paragraph, however, supplies the omission.

At length the Alabama made her appearance in company with the Couronne, the latter vessel conveying her outside the limit of French waters. Here let me pay a tribute to the careful neutrality of the French authorities. No sooner was the limit of jurisdiction reached, than the Couronne put down her helm, and without any delay, steamed back into port, not even lingering outside the breakwater to witness the fight. Curiosity, if not worse, anchored the English vessel in handy vicinity to the combatants. Her presence proved to be of much utility, for she picked up no less than fourteen of the Alabama's officers, and among them the redoubtable Semmes himself.

So soon as the Alabama was made out, the Kearsarge immediately headed seaward and steamed off the coast, the object being to get a sufficient distance from the land so as to obviate any possible infringement of French jurisdiction; and, secondly, that in case of the battle going against the Alabama, the latter could not retreat into port. When this was accomplished, the Kearsarge was turned shortly round and steered immediately for the Alabama, Captain Winslow desiring to get within close range, as his guns were shotted with five-seconds shell. The interval between the two vessels being reduced to a mile, or thereabouts, the Alabama sheered and discharged a broadside, nearly a raking fire, at the Kearsarge. More speed was given to the latter to shorten the distance, and a slight sheer to prevent raking. The Alabama fired a second broadside and part of a third while her antagonist was closing; and at the expiration of ten or twelve minutes from the Alabama's opening shot, the Kearsarge discharged her first broadside. The action henceforward continued in a circle, the distance between the two vessels being about seven hundred yards; this, at all events, is the opinion of the Federal commander and his officers, for their guns were sighted at that range, and their shell burst in and over the privateer. The speed of the two vessels during the engagement did not exceed eight knots the hour.

At the expiration of one hour and two minutes from the first gun, the Alabama hauled down her colours and fired a lee gun (according to the statements of her officers), in token of surrender. Captain Winslow could not, however, believe that the enemy had struck, as his own vessel had received so little damage, and he could not regard his antagonist as much more injured than himself; and it was only when a boat came off from the Alabama that her true condition was known. The 11-inch shell from the Kearsarge, thrown with fifteen pounds of powder at seven hundred yards range, had gone clean through the starboard side of the privateer, bursting in the port side and tearing great gaps in her timber and planking. This was plainly obvious when the Alabama settled by the stern and raised the forepart of her hull high out of water.

The Kearsarge was struck twenty-seven times during the conflict, and fired in all one hundred and seventy three (173) shots. These were as follows:

SHOTS FIRED BY THE KEARSARGE.

Two 11-inch guns 55 shots. Rifle in forecastle 48 " Broadside 32-pdrs 60 " 12-pdr. boat howitzer 10 " --------- Total, 173 shots.

The last-named gun performed no part whatever in sinking the Alabama, and was only used in the action to create laughter among the sailors. Two old quarter-masters, the two Dromios of the Kearsarge, were put in charge of this gun, with instructions to fire when they received the order. But the two old salts, little relishing the idea of having nothing to do while their messmates were so actively engaged, commenced peppering away with their pea-shooter of a piece, alternating their discharges with vituperation of each other. This low-comedy by-play amused the ship's company, and the officers good-humoredly allowed the farce to continue until the single box of ammunition was exhausted.

DAMAGE TO THE KEARSARGE.

The Kearsarge was struck as follows:

One shot through starboard quarter, taking a slanting direction aft, and lodging in the rudder post. This shot was from the Blakely rifle.

One shot, carrying away starboard life-buoy.

Three 32-pounder shots through port bulwarks, forward of mizzen-mast.

A shell, exploding after end of pivot port.

A shell, exploding after end of chain-plating.

A 68-lb. shell, passing through starboard bulwarks below main rigging, wounding three men--the only casualties amongst the crew during the engagement.

A Blakely-rifle shell, passing through the engine-room sky-light, and dropping harmlessly in the water beyond the vessel.

Two shots below plank-sheer, abreast of boiler hatch.

One forward pivot port plank sheer.

One forward foremast-rigging.

A shot striking Launch's toping-lift.

A rifle-shell, passing through funnel, bursting without damage inside.

One, starboard forward main-shroud.

One, starboard after-shroud main-topmast rigging.

One, main topsail tye.

One, main topsail outhaul.

One, main topsail runner.

Two, through port-quarter boat.

One, through spanker (furled).

One, starboard forward shroud, mizzen rigging.

One, starboard mizzen-topmast backstay.

One, through mizzen peak-signal halyards, which cut the stops when the battle was nearly over, and for the first time let loose the flag to the breeze.

This list of damages received by the Kearsarge proves the exceedingly bad fire of the Alabama, notwithstanding the numbers of men on board the latter belonging to our "Naval Reserve," and the trained hands from the gunnery ship "Excellent." I was informed by some of the paroled prisoners on shore at Cherbourg that Captain Semmes fired rapidly at the commencement of the action "in order to frighten the Yankees," nearly all the officers and crew being, as he was well aware, merely volunteers from the merchant service.[10] At the expiration of twenty minutes after the Kearsarge discharged the first broadside, continuing the battle in a leisurely, cool manner, Semmes remarked: "Confound them; they've been fighting twenty minutes, and they're as cool as posts." The probabilities are that the crew of the Federal vessel had learnt not to regard as dangerous the rapid and hap-hazard practice of the Alabama.

From the time of her first reaching Cherbourg until she finally quitted the port, the Kearsarge never received the slightest assistance from shore, with the exception of that rendered by a boiler maker in patching up her funnel. Every other repair was completed by her own hands, and she might have crossed the Atlantic immediately after the action without difficulty. So much for Mr. Lancaster's statement that "the Kearsarge was apparently much disabled."

SEMMES' DESIGN TO BOARD THE KEARSARGE.

The first accounts received of the action led us to suppose that Captain Semmes' intention was to lay his vessel alongside the enemy, and to carry her by boarding. Whether this information came from the Captain himself or was made out of "whole cloth" by some of his admirers, the idea of boarding a vessel under steam--unless her engines, or screw, or rudder be disabled--is manifestly ridiculous. The days of boarding are gone by, except under the contingencies above stated; and any such attempt on the part of the Alabama would have been attended with disastrous results to herself and crew. To have boarded the Kearsarge, Semmes must have possessed greater speed to enable him to run alongside her; and the moment the pursuer came near her victim, the latter would shut off steam, drop astern in a second of time, sheer off, discharge her whole broadside of grape and canister, and rake her antagonist from stern to stem. Our pro-southern sympathizers really ought not to make their _protegé_ appear ridiculous by ascribing to him such an egregious intention.

NATIONALITY OF THE CREW OF THE KEARSARGE

It has frequently been asserted that the major portion of the Northern armies is composed of foreigners, and the same statement is made in reference to the crews of the American Navy. The report got abroad in Cherbourg that the victory of the Kearsarge was due to her having taken on board a number of French gunners at Brest; and an admiral of the French Navy asked me in perfectly good faith whether it were not the fact. It will not, therefore, be out of place to give the names and nationalities of the officers and crew on board the Kearsarge during her action with the Alabama.

OFFICERS OF THE U.S.S. KEARSARGE, JUNE 19, 1864.

Frederick Milnes Edge opens his account by declaring that the battle between the Kearsarge and the Alabama was the first decisive engagement between steam-propelled ships and the first test of modern naval artillery. He immediately positions his pamphlet as a corrective to what he calls a mass of misrepresentations, listing specific false claims about the Kearsarge's size, speed, and chain-plating. Edge's diction is pointed and forensic: he uses phrases like 'diametrically opposed to the truth' and 'excused or palliated' to frame his investigation as a debunking effort. The author's voice is that of an English gentleman of intelligence, as the prefatory note describes him, and he dedicates the work's proceeds to the United States Sanitary Commission, signaling a political and humanitarian stance.

A Pamphlet of Corrections

Edge structures his pamphlet as a point-by-point refutation. He enumerates four principal reasons given for the Kearsarge's victory—superior size, speed, armament, and chain-plating—and then systematically addresses each. The authorial choice to list these claims in numbered form gives the text a legalistic, evidence-driven tone. Edge does not merely assert; he promises to provide data from firsthand observation in Cherbourg and interviews with officers and crew of the Kearsarge, as well as wounded and prisoners from the Alabama. This methodical approach suggests that Edge saw his work as a factual record rather than a narrative. The pamphlet's brevity—just over 13,000 words—forces him to be concise, and he uses that compression to sharpen his corrective arguments.

The Voice of an English Observer

Edge's position as an Englishman writing for an American audience shapes his rhetorical choices. He adopts a tone of detached expertise, referring to himself in the third person in the prefatory note as 'an English gentleman of intelligence.' His language is formal and parliamentary, as when he avoids 'an unparliamentary expression' to describe false statements. Yet he also shows a clear partisan alignment: the dedication calls the battle a 'most glorious victory gained in the cause of justice and humanity.' This blend of clinical correction and moral endorsement creates a distinctive authorial voice—one that claims objectivity while openly supporting the Union cause. The excerpts do not reveal whether Edge maintains this balance throughout, but the opening pages establish it firmly.

Crew Lists as Evidence

A striking feature of the excerpts is the inclusion of a full crew roster for the Kearsarge, listing 163 officers and men with their ranks, names, and native places. Edge likely uses this list to counter claims about the Kearsarge's superior size by showing its actual complement. The roster's detail—including landsmen, coal-heavers, and marines—gives a granular view of the ship's composition. Edge's decision to print this list verbatim reflects a documentary impulse; he treats the crew as data points rather than characters. The list also reveals the crew's diversity: men from the United States, Western Islands, France, Holland, Spain, and England. This factual presentation reinforces Edge's authority as an investigator who has gathered primary sources.

Setting the Scene in Cherbourg

Edge visited Cherbourg specifically to gather information, and his account is grounded in that location. The title places the battle in the British Channel on Sunday, June 19, 1864, and the text likely describes the town and its vantage points. The excerpts do not include those descriptions, but Edge's method—'from information personally obtained in the town of Cherbourg'—suggests a reporter's attention to setting. He contrasts the first news, which came 'enveloped in a mass of statements,' with his own on-the-ground findings. This emphasis on physical presence and eyewitness testimony is a deliberate authorial choice to bolster credibility. The setting also carries political weight: Cherbourg was a French port, and the battle occurred in international waters, adding a diplomatic layer to the naval engagement.

Edge's pamphlet is best read as a contemporary attempt to set the record straight, not as a comprehensive history. Readers should attend to his rhetorical strategies—the numbered refutations, the documentary inserts, the self-presentation as an impartial English observer—as much as to the facts he presents. The excerpts offer a window into how Civil War naval engagements were reported and contested in real time, and Edge's work rewards attention to its structure and voice.

That June afternoon, reading Edge’s pamphlet under a grey sky, I kept thinking about the witnesses—ordinary men trying to make sense of sudden violence. Their confusion lingered, and it led me, almost by accident, to a cavalryman’s quieter account of the same war’s muddy roads. Together, they felt less like history, more like weather. I found Three Years in the Federal Cavalry — Context and Discussion waiting on the shelf, rain-streaked and patient.

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