Average Americans — Context and Discussion
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ather was much interested in General Wood's camps for the training of the younger boys and was heartily in sympathy with them. Both Archie and Quentin attended them. Quentin had a badly strained back at the time, but that did not keep him from going.
At the sinking of the _Lusitania_ a very keen realization of the gravity of the situation was evident all over the country. A number of younger men between the ages of twenty-one and thirty-five met together to talk things over. In this group were Grenville Clarke, Philip A. Carroll, Elihu Root, Jr., Cornelius W. Wickersham, J. Lloyd Derby, Kenneth P. Budd, and Delancy K. Jay. They felt that it was only a question of time until we would be called to the colors, and realized most keenly the fact that it is one thing to be willing and quite another to be able to take your part. They felt, as this war has shown, the lamentable injustice and grievous loss that is entailed by putting against men who are trained in the business of fighting untrained men who, no matter how good their spirit and how great their courage, do not know the game.
The outcome of the conference of these men was the decision to ask General Wood if it would be possible for him to hold a training camp, for men up to forty-five years, similar to those held for boys. With the usual patriotism that characterizes him, General Wood said at once that he would hold the camp even if they were able to get only twenty-five men to attend. In the beginning, converts came slowly, but after a campaign of personal solicitation, in which members of the original group went individually to various cities in the vicinity of New York, the movement got under way with such success that the first so-called "Business Men's Plattsburg Camp" numbered about one thousand, and was immediately followed by another nearly as large.
At this time the average man did not know what military training and service meant. The camp was composed of men of all types and all ages. Many of them, too old for active service, had come as an earnest of their belief and through the desire to teach by their actions as well as by their preachings. Robert Bacon and John Purroy Mitchel attended this camp, both of them men whose memory will always be treasured by those who were fortunate enough to know them.
We took it all very seriously. At one end of the company street you would see two prominent middle-aged business men trying to do the manual of arms properly, rain dripping off them, their faces set like the day of judgment, crowned with grizzled hair. At the other would be Arthur Woods, the Police Commissioner of New York, "boning" the infantry drill regulations. George Wharton Pepper was promoted to sergeant, and was as proud of it as of any of his achievements in civil life. Bishop Perry of Rhode Island was named as color sergeant.
Men who went to this Plattsburg camp had to pay their own money in order to try to fit themselves to serve their country. No more undemocratic arrangement could have been made for it placed beyond the power of the men of small means, who form the body of the country, to get in advance the knowledge necessary to act as an officer. Yet this was the only course open to us. In the ensuing year these camps spread over the country, and through them passed many thousands of men. Far over and above their value from the standpoint of military training was their educational value in national duty. A large percentage of the commissioned officers on our country's roll of honor attended the Plattsburg camps.
These camps in themselves furnished the nucleus for the selection of the commissioned personnel of the national army, and furnished, furthermore, the system by which the great mass of our junior officers were chosen and educated. Yet the movement was launched, not with the backing and help of the national administration, but rather in spite of the national administration. No official representing the administration visited these early camps. Solely by private endeavor, therefore, arose the system of selection of officers which enabled the army in this war, more than any army this country has had in the past, to choose the men for commissions with a keen regard for their ability, with a truer democracy and less of political influence. On account of this movement the town of Plattsburg is known from one coast to the other.
During this first camp my father came up to address the men. Up to this time, although he had spoken on universal military training, it had been considered as such an unthinkable program that no one had paid any attention. Two or three times people have asked me when my father first became convinced of the necessity for universal training and service in this nation. They have always been greatly surprised when I have referred them back to a message to Congress written during his first term as President, in which he suggested that the Swiss system of training would be an advisable one to adopt in the United States. Many years before this he had directed N. Carey Sawyer to investigate and report on Switzerland's military policy. So little were people concerned with it at that time that no comment of any sort was caused by either act.
The evening of my father's arrival at Plattsburg an orderly came and directed me to report at headquarters, where my father was sitting in conference.
"Ted, I have decided to make a speech to-morrow in favor of universal service," father said to me. "My good friends here, who believe in it as much as I do, feel that the time is not ripe, that the country would not understand it, and that it will merely provoke a storm of adverse criticism. I have told them that although the country may criticize, and although unquestionably a storm of attacks will be directed against me, it must be done, because the country must begin thinking on the subject."
He spoke next day before the assembled students. The ring of serious khaki-clad men seated on the parade ground, father speaking very earnestly in the center, speaking until after dark, when he had to finish by a lantern, is a clear picture to me.
To many of them this exposition was the first they had ever heard on the subject. Most of them up to this time had not been interested in it, and had felt vaguely that compulsory military training and service was synonymous with the German system and was not democratic. When France and Switzerland were brought to their attention as democracies, as efficient democracies, and as countries which had a thoroughly developed system of universal military training, their eyes were opened and they saw the matter in a new light. From this camp, directed in a large part by my father's and General Wood's inspiration and ideas, grew a nation-wide group of young men who felt the seriousness of the situation, young men who realized we must take our part and who wished, as one of my private soldiers put it to me, "At least to have a show for their white alley" when the war broke.
During the ensuing winter and summer in many parts of the country enthusiasts were working, and many more camps were founded and carried to a successful completion. Recognition of a mild sort was obtained from the National Government. Not recognition which permitted men to go as men should go in a democracy, to learn to serve their country, as pupils of the country, at the country's expense, but at least as men doing something which was not unrecognized and frowned on by their government.
Toward the winter of 1917 father talked ever increasingly to all of us concerning his chance of being permitted to take a division or unit of some sort to Europe. When war was declared he took this matter up directly with the President. What happened is now history. He took his disappointment as he took many other disappointments in his life. Often after he had worked with all that was in him for something, when all that could be done was done, he would say, "We have done all we can; the result is now on the knees of the gods."
Meanwhile he was constantly interested in and constantly talked with all of us about what we were doing. At last, two months after we severed diplomatic relations, training camps for officers were called into being with enormous waste and inefficiency, and we ambled slowly toward the training of an army and its commanding personnel.
All of us except my brother Quentin left for Plattsburg. Quentin, on the day before diplomatic relations were severed, had telephoned from college to father to say he would go into the air service, where his real ability as a mechanician stood him in good stead. Of the other three, Kermit had had the least training from a purely military standpoint, having been in South America during most of the time when we had been working on the "Plattsburg movement." His ability and experience, however, in other ways were greater, as in his hunting trips in Africa and South America he had handled bodies of men in dangerous situations. Archie had attended practically all the camps, and was naturally a fine leader of men and a boy of great daring.
At Plattsburg, Archie and I were fortunate enough to be put in the same company. During the major part of the month we were there we were in charge of the company. Our duty was to instruct potential officers in the art of war which we ourselves did not know. We spent hours wig-wagging and semaphoring. Neither of these methods of signaling did I ever see used in action.
In our "conference" periods the floor was opened for questions. The conversation would be something like this: "What is light artillery?" "Light artillery is the lighter branch of the artillery."--"That is all very well, but define it further." Deep thought. "It is the artillery carried by men and not by horses." One man asked in all solemnity once, "Does blood rust steel more than water?" It is not necessary to add that he never became an officer.
We worked like nailers, but were always watching for the word that troops were to be sent across. To all of us, from the beginning, it was not a question of deciding whether we should go or not. We had been brought up with the idea that, deplorable as war was, the only way when it broke was to go. The only way to keep peace, a righteous peace, was to be prepared and willing to fight. A splendid example of a fine family record is given by Governor Manning's family, of South Carolina: seven sons, all in service, and one paying the supreme sacrifice.
"If we had a trained army like the Swiss, Germany would never dare commit any offenses against us, and, furthermore, I believe it highly possible that the entire war might have been avoided," was a statement often made to me by father at the beginning of the war.
At the end of the first three weeks we heard rumors that a small expeditionary force was to be sent over immediately. We telephoned father at Oyster Bay and asked him if he could help us get attached to this expeditionary force. He said he would try, and succeeded in so far as Archie and I were concerned, as we already had commissions in the officers' reserve corps. We offered to go in the ranks, but General Pershing said we would be of more value in the grades for which we held commissions. Our excitement was intense when one day in an official envelope from Washington we received a communication, "Subject--Foreign Service." The communication was headed "Confidential," so we were forced to keep all our jubilation to ourselves. Some ten days after we received another communication, "Subject--Orders," and were directed to report to the commanding general, port of embarkation, New York, "confidentially by wire," at what date we would be ready to start.
We both felt this was not the most expeditious way to proceed, but we obeyed orders and telegraphed. We supplemented this, however, by taking the next train and reporting in person at the same time the telegram arrived, in case they could not decode our message. General Franklin Bell was the commanding general, and he very kindly helped us get off at once, and we left on the liner _Chicago_ for Bordeaux on June 18th.
Our last few days in this country we spent with the family. Archie and I went with our wives to Oyster Bay, where father, mother, and Quentin were. My wife even then announced her intention of going to Europe in some auxiliary branch, but she promised me she would not start without my permission. The promise was evidently made in the Pickwickian sense, as when I cabled her from Europe not to come the answer that I got was the announcement of her arrival in Paris. There were six of our immediate family in the American expeditionary forces--my wife, one brother-in-law, Richard Derby, and we four brothers. Father, busy as he was, during the entire time we were abroad wrote to each of us weekly, and, when he physically could, in his own hand.
"Sons of the sheltered city-- Unmade, unhandled, unmeet-- Ye pushed them raw to the battle As ye picked them raw from the street. And what did ye look, they should compass? Warcraft learned in a breath, Knowledge unto occasion At the first far view of death?" KIPLING.
While we were personally working at Plattsburg the national administration, after a meandering course, in which much of the motion was retrograde, had finally decided that to fight a war in France it was necessary to send troops to that part of the world. Out of this determination Pershing's force grew.
Investigation of the condition of our military establishment indicated that we had virtually nothing available. The best that could be done in the way of an expeditionary force was to group two regiments of marines and four regular regiments together and send them to Europe as the First Division. So little attention and thought had been given to military matters that when the First Division was originally grouped it consisted of three brigades, not two. These brigades consisted of the Fifth and Sixth Marines, Twenty-sixth and Twenty-eighth Infantry, and the Sixteenth and Eighteenth Infantry. In the regiments themselves things were in the same chaotic condition. Battalions contained three companies of infantry and one machine-gun company each. This was an eleventh-hour change from the old system of four companies of infantry, to which we returned later in the year. We had, furthermore, up to this time, by our tables of organization, companies of 152 men. These companies were raised to 200 men, and still later became 250.
As a matter of fact, the strength of these companies at the declaration of war was somewhere around sixty. The 140 additional were obtained by getting a percentage by transfer from other infantry regiments, and filling in the balance with raw recruits who had just volunteered for service.
My own regiment, the Twenty-sixth Infantry, entrained early in June at San Benito, Texas, and came to the port of embarkation, New York City. The trip always stands out in my mind, although I did not join the regiment until after it had arrived in Europe, because all through the two years of war I was pestered by a paper which kept constantly turning up concerning some $100 worth of ham and cheese that was supposed to have been eaten by the men of the Twenty-sixth Infantry as they passed through Houston. No one was ever able to furnish me with any information as to it, but in the best approved military style the communication kept circulating to and fro, indorsement after indorsement being added, until, when I last saw it, January, 1919, after the war was finished, there were some twenty-eight series of remarks, and no one was any the wiser.
A story that always appealed to me was told me by one of my officers, of the time when the troop train was lying in the Jersey marshes waiting to go on board ship. A very good officer, Arnold by name, had command of one of the companies of the Twenty-sixth Infantry. A number of lieutenants were sent from the training camps to join the First Division. The military knowledge of the lieutenants consisted in the main of a month at Plattsburg at their own expense, and a month for which the government paid. The lieutenants, after getting to New York, had their uniforms pressed and cleaned and their shoes beautifully polished, feeling that at least they would look the part. They went out to join the troops, who were lying in the cars, hot, dirty and uncomfortable, after traveling for four days. Arnold was sitting with his company, his blouse off, unshaven, with his feet on the seat in front of him. One of the nice young lieutenants came in to report to him looking, as the lieutenant himself told me afterward, like a fashionable clothes advertisement, and knowing about as much about military matters as a canary bird.
1 LT. EINAR H. GAUSTED wounded 2 LT. GEORGE JACKSON killed May 28, '18 3 CAPT. AMIEL FREY " " 27, '18 4 LT. GROVER P. CATHER " " 28, '18 5 LT. CHARLES H. WEAVER wounded 6 LT. WESLEY FREML killed June 29, '18 7 LT. JAMES M. BARRETT gassed 8 LT. ROLAND W. ESTEY 9 MAJOR THEODORE ROOSEVELT wounded 10 LT. B. VANN 11 LT. GEORGE P. GUSTAFSON killed June 6, '18 12 LT. TUVE J. FLODEN wounded 13 LT. REXIE E. GILLIAM wounded 14 LT. JOHN P. GAINES wounded 15 LT. LEWIS TILLMAN 16 LT. PERCY E. LE STOURGEON wounded 17 LT. BROWN LEWIS wounded 18 CAPT. HAMILTON K. FOSTER killed Oct. 2, '18 19 LT. PAUL R. CARUTHERS wounded 20 LT. M. MORRIS ANDREWS 21 LT. WILLIAM C. DABNEY wounded 22 LT. DONALD H. GRANT 23 CAPT. E. D. MORGAN 24 LT. DENNIS H. SHILLEN wounded 25 LT. HARRY DILLON killed Oct. 4, '18 26 LT. CHARLES RIDGELY 27 LT. JOSEPH P. CARD 28 LT. STEWART A. BAXTER wounded 29 LT. THOMAS D. AMORY killed Oct. 3, '18 30 LT. THOMAS B. CORNELI
Arnold looked at him in a weary way, shook his head sadly and remarked to the officer beside him, "We have only ourselves to blame for it." Indeed, we were to blame for conditions, and such of us as were fortunate enough to see service in Europe had the sins of our unpreparedness brought before us in the most glaring light.
Just how much training and experience were of value was everywhere evident. In my opinion, all divisions sent over by this country were approximately equal in intelligence and courage. There was, however, the greatest difference between the veteran divisions and those which had just arrived. Each division, after being given the same amount of training and fighting, would show up much the same, but put a division which had been fighting for six months alongside of one that had just arrived, and in every detail you could see the difference. The men of the newly arrived division were as courageous as the men of the old division. Their intelligence was as good, but they did not know the small things which come only with training and experience, and which, in a close battle, make the difference between victory and defeat, the difference between needless sacrifice and the sacrifice which brings results.
A great friend of mine, Colonel Frederick Palmer, put this to me very clearly. He was observing the action of our troops in the Argonne and came on a young lieutenant with a platoon of infantry. The lieutenant was fidgeting and highly nervous. When Palmer came up he said, "Sir, there is a machine gun on that hill. I don't know whether I should attack it or whether I should wait until the troops on the right and left arrive and force it out. I don't know whether it is killing my men to no purpose whatever to advance. I don't know what to do. I am not afraid. My men are not afraid."
This man belonged to one of the newly arrived divisions. Given the experience, he would have known exactly what to do. If he had been a man of an older division and had seen sufficient service he would have been doing what was necessary when Colonel Palmer arrived.
Theodore Roosevelt's Average Americans opens with a striking structural choice: the author includes his father's letters as a preface, framing the entire narrative as a continuation of paternal counsel. The elder Roosevelt's words—'New Year's greetings to you!'—set a tone of moral urgency, while the son's own prose quickly shifts to the gritty specifics of trench warfare. This juxtaposition of intimate family correspondence with tactical descriptions of raids and shelling creates a layered voice that is both personal and official.
A Dual Voice: Father and Son
The book's preface is not a conventional introduction but a selection of letters from Theodore Roosevelt Sr. to his children, dated 1917–1918. These passages speak of 'the great crisis that sifted out men's souls' and criticize military bureaucracy—'appointments are made primarily on grounds of seniority.' The younger Roosevelt then takes over, but the paternal voice lingers. In the main text, the author often echoes his father's blend of idealism and impatience, as when he notes that 'words count for but little when the drumming guns have been waked.' This intergenerational dialogue gives the memoir a dual perspective: the elder's strategic frustration from home, the younger's tactical immediacy at the front.
The Language of Combat
Roosevelt's descriptions of military action are precise and unadorned. He recounts a raid where 'the raiding party worked up into position, passing by through the mist like black shadows.' The prose favors concrete details over grand rhetoric: 'trenches were shallow and scanty, and dugouts were almost lacking.' Dialogue is sparse but telling—'Come out of there,' the men call down dugouts, and if the Huns do not comply, 'a couple of incendiary grenades were thrown down.' The author notes losses with a matter-of-fact tone: 'Unfortunately the one man killed was Lieutenant Freml, the raid leader, who fell in a hand-to-hand combat.' This restraint underscores the routine nature of violence.
Character Sketches Amid the Action
Roosevelt pauses to profile individual soldiers, offering glimpses of personality. Lieutenant Freml, an 'old Regular Army sergeant,' had fought in the Philippines and planned to 'return and establish a chicken farm.' His men 'were devoted to him and would follow him anywhere.' Another officer, Lieutenant Dabney, is simply 'a very good fellow from Louisville, Ky.' These brief portraits humanize the ranks without sentimentality. The author also notes the men's reactions: after a successful raid, they returned 'in high excitement and fine spirits,' and the first question from each returning party was 'S...' (cut off in the excerpt). Such details convey morale without editorializing.
Tension Between Policy and Practice
Throughout the excerpts, Roosevelt criticizes the military establishment indirectly. The preface includes his father's complaint that 'Generals Wood and Crowder have been denied the chance to render service' and that seniority rules hamper effectiveness. In the field, the author observes that 'too long a stay in our army—with its peculiar limitations—produces a rigidity of mind.' Yet he does not dwell on these grievances; instead, he focuses on the work at hand. The narrative thus embodies a central tension: the desire for reform versus the necessity of action. This undercurrent gives the memoir a critical edge without undermining its patriotic tone.
Readers should approach Average Americans as a document shaped by its dual authorship and its moment. The letters from Theodore Roosevelt Sr. provide a political and moral framework, while the younger Roosevelt's combat narrative offers a ground-level view. Pay attention to the shifts in register—from fatherly advice to tactical report—and to the way the author balances criticism of the system with respect for the men who serve. The incomplete excerpts leave some questions unanswered, but the voice remains consistent: direct, observant, and grounded in specific experience.
Reading Roosevelt’s letters made me recall the hushed way my grandfather spoke of his own father’s Great War diary—that same gap between paperwork and mud. Then I thought of The Childrens' Story of the War, Volume 1 (of 10) From the Beginning of the War to the Landing of the British Army in France — Context and Discussion, which once gave me that identical ache: history told too simply, yet somehow closer to the truth.
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