How the Nations Waged War A companion volume to "How the War Began" — Story, Setting & Ideas

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In Category - Modern Nations
Kennedy, J. M. (John McFarland) Project Gutenberg 2018 Not confirmed
World War, 1914-1918 Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 42,160
Reading time 184 min
Text sections 5

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An editorial note examining how J.M. Kennedy's 1914 volume, a companion to 'How the War Began,' uses diplomatic documents, press excerpts, and political statements to narrate the early months of World War I, focusing on the gap between catalog subjects and the text's evidentiary methods.
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Excellency was so excited, so evidently overcome by the news of our action, and so little disposed to hear reason, that I refrained from adding fuel to the flame by further argument.

As I was leaving he said that the blow of Great Britain joining Germany's enemies was all the greater that almost up to the last moment he and his Government had been working with us and supporting our efforts to maintain peace between Austria and Russia. I said that this was part of the tragedy which saw the two nations fall apart just at the moment when the relations between them had been more friendly and cordial than they had been for years. Unfortunately, notwithstanding our efforts to maintain peace between Russia and Austria, the war had spread, and had brought us face to face with a situation which, if we held to our engagements, we could not possibly avoid, and which unfortunately entailed our separation from our late fellow workers. He would readily understand that no one regretted this more than I.

After this somewhat painful interview I returned to the Embassy, and drew up a telegraphic report of what had passed. This telegram was handed in at the Central Telegraph Office a little before nine p.m. It was accepted by that office, but apparently never dispatched.[3]

At about 9.30 p.m. Herr von Zimmermann, the Under-Secretary of State, came to see me. After expressing his deep regret that the very friendly official and personal relations between us were about to cease, he asked me casually whether a demand for passports was equivalent to a declaration of war. I said that such an authority on international law as he was known to be must know as well as or better than I what was usual in such cases. I added that there were many cases where diplomatic relations had been broken off, and, nevertheless, war had not ensued; but that in this case he would have seen from my instructions, of which I given Herr von Jagow a written summary, that his Majesty's Government expected an answer to a definite question by twelve o'clock that night, and that in default of a satisfactory answer they would be forced to take such steps as their engagements required. Herr von Zimmermann said that that was, in fact, a declaration of war, as the Imperial Government could not possibly give the assurance required either that night or any other night.

In the meantime, after Herr von Zimmermann left me, a flying sheet, issued by the _Berliner Tageblatt_, was circulated stating that Great Britain had declared war against Germany. The immediate result of this news was the assemblage of an exceedingly excited and unruly mob before his Majesty's Embassy. The small force of police which had been sent to guard the Embassy was soon overpowered, and the attitude of the mob became more threatening. We took no notice of this demonstration as long as it was confined to noise, but when the crash of glass and the landing of cobble-stones into the drawing-room where we were all sitting, warned us that the situation was getting unpleasant, I telephoned to the Foreign Office an account of what was happening. Herr von Jagow at once informed the Chief of Police, and an adequate force of mounted police, sent with great promptness, very soon cleared the street. From that moment on we were well guarded, and no more direct unpleasantness occurred.

After order had been restored Herr von Jagow came to see me and expressed his most heartfelt regrets at what had occurred. He said that the behaviour of his countrymen had made him feel more ashamed than he had words to express. It was an indelible stain on the reputation of Berlin. He said that the flying sheet circulated in the streets had not been authorized by the Government; in fact, the Chancellor had asked him by telephone whether he thought that such a statement should be issued, and he had replied, "Certainly not, until the morning." It was in consequence of his decision to that effect that only a small force of police had been sent to the neighbourhood of the Embassy, as he had thought that the presence of a large force would inevitably attract attention and perhaps lead to disturbances.

J.M. Kennedy's How the Nations Waged War (1914) presents itself as a companion to How the War Began, yet its contents reveal a work more concerned with diplomatic documentation than battlefield narrative. The catalog subject 'World War, 1914-1918' suggests a broad military history, but the excerpts show a text built around official dispatches, press commentary, and political declarations. The opening chapter, for instance, centers on Sir E. Goschen's report from Berlin and the 'scrap of paper' phrase, not troop movements. This editorial note explores how Kennedy's method of weaving primary sources into a continuous account shapes the reader's understanding of the war's early political dimensions.

Diplomatic Documents as Narrative Backbone

The excerpts reveal that Kennedy relies heavily on official correspondence to structure his account. Chapter I pivots on a dispatch from Sir E. Goschen, the British Ambassador at Berlin, dated August 27th, which Kennedy uses to detail the rupture of diplomatic relations. Rather than summarizing, he embeds the document's language directly into his narrative, allowing the ambassador's own words to carry the argument. This technique appears again in Chapter IV, where the Tsar's rescript on Polish autonomy is quoted at length, alongside letters to the editor from figures like Sidney Whitman. The effect is a text that feels more like a curated archive than a synthesized history, prioritizing evidentiary weight over narrative flow.

Press Excerpts and the Shaping of Public Opinion

Kennedy frequently incorporates newspaper articles and correspondence to illustrate the war's reception. In the Polish autonomy discussion, he quotes a letter from the Pall Mall Gazette (August 21st) by Sidney Whitman, who recounts interviews with Russian delegates from 1905. This inclusion serves a dual purpose: it provides contemporary testimony and demonstrates how press sources were used to frame political debates. The catalog subject 'World War, 1914-1918' might lead a reader to expect military analysis, but Kennedy's focus on press campaigns—such as the 'German Press Campaign' and 'Disseminating False News' listed in Chapter II—shifts attention to information warfare. The text thus becomes a document of how news was managed and contested during the conflict's opening months.

Geopolitical Scope Beyond the Western Front

Despite the catalog's broad subject, Kennedy's chapters range widely across theaters and issues. Chapter III addresses Italy's position, German intrigues, the Triple Alliance, and Turkey's plans for attacking Egypt. Chapter IV covers Polish independence, Japanese action, and Germany in the Far East, including Samoa and Togoland. This global scope is signaled in the subtitle—'telling how the world faced Armageddon'—but the excerpts show that Kennedy's method is to compile official statements and press reports from each region rather than to offer unified analysis. The result is a mosaic of diplomatic and political maneuvering, where the 'war' is as much about alliances and declarations as about armed conflict. Readers expecting a linear military chronicle will find instead a sourcebook of early-war geopolitics.

Kennedy's volume rewards readers interested in the documentary record of early World War I diplomacy and propaganda. Its value lies less in narrative coherence than in the raw materials it preserves: ambassadorial dispatches, royal proclamations, and newspaper correspondence. Those approaching it as a conventional history should adjust expectations, treating it instead as a contemporary compilation that reveals what information was deemed significant in 1914. The text's structure—chapter headings that read like a list of topics—invites selective reading, making it a useful reference for specific diplomatic episodes or press controversies.

There’s something about reading how nations stumble into war—those careful documents, the official voices missing what’s human—that left me quiet for days. It reminded me of a different kind of persistence, the way memory holds what records forget. I found that same weight in My Reminiscences of East Africa — Context and Discussion, almost like sitting with a friend who remembers the weather of a place no map shows.

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